20 November 2012

Letter from Lhasa, number 296.
Politici, according to Di Pietro

Letter from Lhasa, number 296. Politici, according to Di Pietro
by Roberto Abraham Scaruffi

Di Pietro, A., with M. Zapparoli Funari, Politici. Da Craxi a Berlusconi,da Bossi a Fini, da Prodi a Grillo a Monti, quattordici ritratti insoliti, Ponte alle Grazie, 2012.
(Di Pietro 2012).
Antonio Di Pietro
Morena Zapparoli Funari

This is book-interview of Ms. Zapparoli Funari. She interviewed, at least officially, for what she declared in the foreword, Mr. Di Pietro.

There are politician ‘writing’ books through ghost-writers. Frequently they do not even read what the ghost-writer has written. Di Pietro followed the most transparent way. He told her what to write and she wrote it, in various ‘interviews’. Di Pietro later checked everything. Or Di Pietro wrote what he could and how he could and she reviewed everything. I am not sure that Di Pietro could really write in Italian. Anyway, differently from other politicians, he is not so naive to let a book with his name to be published without his final checking.

If in the book there is not perhaps the Di Pietro speaking and writing style, there are his contents. Being a book of Di Pietro testimonies, the interviewer could not interfere too much with his point of views. In fact, the final outcome is a series of banalities about various political leaders and always with an apparent fair play, apart from Craxi, Berlusconi and somebody else.

Left magistracy, Di Pietro tried to use Berlusconi for becoming head of the secret services (from puppet to puppet master...) or similar ambition, and it is known that the usually opportunist Berlusconi offered positions to Di Pietro already in his first government in 1994. Consequently, Berlusconi was opened to the requests of a Di Pietro hypocritically claiming that when he was a magistrate he just followed orders and that he had nothing against Berlusconi.

Somebody, informed of the contacts, rapidly unmasked the 1994 real role of Di Pietro against Berlusconi and so no further open convergence of the two politicians was possible, although there were occasional contacts and operational convergences also in recent times. Both Di Pietro and Berlusconi have a kind of pimp psychology making for them easy to find agreements, although they need now to publicly appear as mortal enemies.

Despite Di Pietro always claimed, in this book too, that the campaigning against him for pushing him to leave magistracy was orchestrated from Berlusconi and his milieu, it is not at all sure that this was what really happened. Di Pietro, a creation of pro-Andreotti Carabinieri Secret Police corps, was opposed also from the Quirinale which judged him too ambitious and not sufficiently controllable. The same President Scalfaro was put under fire from the Milano Prosecution Office.

In fact, the Quirinale-Mediobanca-organised persecution against Berlusconi could go on also with considerably less skilful cops than the magistrate-cop Di Pietro. He was not at all unsubstitutable. In the world of the military-CC Secret Police, which was the Di Pietro world, when a Di Pietro is put under fire, it not at all sure that the sources of the strikes be those appearing to be. On the contrary, it is more probable that those seeming to appear as the strikers have been manipulated from others remaining in the shadow.

The Quirinale and its Carabinieri Secret Police mobbed and stalked Di Pietro, created an irreducible hostility between him and Berlusconi and, after having sufficiently fried Di Pietro, judicially saved him. In 1997, thanks to D’Alema (clearly not against Quirinale and CC Secret Police will, more probably on their request), Di Pietro, a rightist, was elected senator in a super-‘red’ constituency.      

That Di Pietro tell the worst of Craxi, Forlani etc. is normal. It is equally obvious that, as a soldier mobilized from the Andreotti Carabinieri Secret Police for the 1992-93 Great Purge (started on Andreotti orders, later taken over from the Quirinale-Mediobanca), and with Andreotti always referring not in positive terms to his colleague Di Pietro when Di Pietro was a senator, Di Pietro follow the usual demagogy against Andreotti. Being now Andreotti out of the power and politicking circles, Di Pietro can simulate independence and repulsion for who was, he knew or he did not that, his hidden puppet master who ordered to trigger the 1992-93 Great Purge.   

The expressive style of Di Pietro, or how it is represented from the interviewer, deserves consideration. Apart from Berlusconi, he always mixes negative evaluations with some positive appreciation but constantly following current stereotypes, and in a kind of forced, false, tone. Since that, this book is of no value as historical testimony, apart from indication of the way Di Pietro approaches or represents or falsifies reality.

The same Di Pietro is a living stereotype. He simulate to be a great politician and a great Statesmen talking in the way a great politician and Statesman should talk when referring to other people, even when he is telling the worst of them. However, the reader perceives Di Pietro be false and also incapable to hide that. Whatever other politicians is more genuine and also more capable to mystify than Di Pietro, really rough in this ‘historical’/‘memory’ book. Since Di Pietro is a person checking everything, clearly the interviewer was impeded from giving to this book a more sounding and credible style, and the same staff of the publishing house (traditionally specialized in publishing books for boys and girls) could not do it.        

Di Pietro is steadily from the side of the predatory oligarchies he protected (better: used him) when he was a substitute-prosecutor, so he can freely spit on politicians and Statesmen/women they despised and they do not need any more. Di Pietro is going on acting as a special agent of military Secret Police departments as he did as a substitute-prosecutor during the Great Purge 1992-93 and the 1994 assault against the Berlusconi government.

Suspiciously (the impulse to confess!), Di Pietro continuously underlines as the 1994 Berlusconi government was fired from the same North League, what is formally right. The judicial assault, as well as other assaults, created the propaganda context for justifying, in from of electors, the paralysis and, later, the rapid collapse of that government. It was opposed from predatory oligarchies, consequently from the Quirinale, because it did not permit them to freely predate public funds.

Yes, Berlusconi was a Craxi follower and imitator, with the additional advantage of having been a successful entrepreneur. In some way, Berlusconi was also an Andreotti epigone although without the Andreotti knowledge and understanding of the bureaucratic machine, and with no power on the Secret Services. Berlusconi had some Quirinale-NATO secret interdiction to deal with them even only formally. It is another Italic mystery nobody talks about but it was what actually happened from the first to the last Berlusconi government. In practice, Berlusconi was a fake head of the formal government, and that since some superior decision.
Craxi was mortally opposed for the same reason, because predatory oligarchies did not perceive him as their puppet. Check who blocked the SME fraud (when Prodi tried to make a gift of the SME to CDB-Mediobanca) and who tried to allow it, and you will understand nearly everything about Italic politics. Overall check the miserable judicial end of all those opposed the SME fraud [ http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romano_Prodi#Presidenza_dell.27IRI_e_vendita_della_SME , http://www.ciaobalcani.com/forum/viewtopic.php?pid=3115 ]. ‘Clean Hands’ was a military Secret Police operation, at predatory oligarchy service, for revenging against whoever had contrasted its predations and could contrast the new great predation of privatizations, a big fraud at advantage of such predatory oligarchies, the Cuccia’s Mediobanca predatory capitalism. It started on Andreotti order, for his presidential games, but it became such just Mediobanca took over the Quirinale by the Capaci massacre.

Was it casual that, for instance, those who contrasted and hampered the SME fraud were nearly all judicially ruined from the Milan Prosecution Office, while the Prodis promoted? Impossible! Simply, not buyable Statesmen/women were then all judicially liquidated while corrupted ones, so available to allow the privatisations’ predation, were carefully favoured from the predatory oligarchies and their judicial apparatuses under Quirinale control. About bureaucracies, always follow the formal command chain! Top level bureaucracies, without any superior formal ‘owner’, are always controlled from real powers.

Since the Spadolini interregnum (28 aprile 1992 .. 28 maggio 1992), the Quirinale has been controlled from the bureaucratic and predatory oligarchies. Enrico Cuccia’s Mediobanca was more powerful than whatever formal institution. Not casually, although it controlled all private or para-private capitalism, it was not touched from the judicial Great Purge. Illegal financing?! All parties and trade unions lived and are continuing to live by illegal financing. Bureaucracies are not only inefficient but structurally corrupted. Those saved did not enjoy less illegal financing of those were purged/liquidated. A Great Purge, as whatever Secret Police judicial operation, follows the orders of the institution wanting it. Crimes are selectively invented or used. People must be ruined are ruined also without the need of any crime. Many people were arrested, defamed by media, politically liquidated and released even without any formal incrimination and prosecution. The 1992-93 Great Purge, as previous and subsequent purges and judicial strikes, was not different from the Stalinist Moscow Trials and the FBI McCarthyism. Nothing new under the skies! More silently, abusive Secret Police judicial operations are in the daily life of whatever western country. 

In (Di Pietro 2012), there is also the usual stuff on some organised criminality origins of the capitals having permitted Berlusconi to become one of the main Italic entrepreneurs, outside the parasitic and predatory para-State oligarchic ‘capitalism’. In the USA-UK, it is not a crime the specific origin of capitals. If one checks the origins even of many US Presidents... In Italy, it becomes a crime only when an entrepreneur is an outsider, as Berlusconi was and is.

Craxi was reference and protector of many entrepreneurs outside State capitalism and private predatory oligarchies. It cost less some financing to the PSI than to the DC and to the PCI. DC and PCI were real mafias with big and costly party organizations, while the PSI tried to be an Anglo-Saxon-style party providing cover to emerging entrepreneurs would have been heavily extorted and sometimes ruined from the DC and the PCI party machines.

Clearly, when there was the Great Purge, with connected judicial terrorism, these same entrepreneurs were obliged to denounce the Craxi [and others] ‘extortions’ and to remain silent on the DC-left and PCI ones. In this way ‘judicial evidence’, which some idiotic Anglophone and other scholars and agitprops consider as historical evidence, was and is built.      

If organized criminality invests in the stock exchange, it is not considered a crime. If Fiat/Agnellis and others paid it bribes, or are extorted from it, or are in business with it, it is not considered a crime. Idem, in the case of CDB or other predatory oligarchs. Nobody opens investigations on predatory oligarchies businesses and clearly, when they have cooperation with organized criminality interests, they use legal screens masking that. Anyway, no Prosecution Office tracks predatory capitalism businesses or, if they are occasionally tracked, no prosecution is opened against them.

The pseudo-fight against organized criminality, which is tightly intertwined with Secret Police bureaux and predatory capitalism, is just a theatrical show where losing families are occasionally stricken and expropriates at advantage of winning ones. Everywhere in the world, organised criminality is tightly intertwined with power but, as whatever parallel militias, it must be kept under control by periodical replacements of its bosses and soldiers. What is also a way, for corrupted Secret Police officers, for extorting funds to the same organized criminality, not only to normal business as they currently do everywhere in the world.

While predatory capitalism is usually protected from the judiciary, on the contrary hundreds of detectives were and are mobilized against Berlusconi (and people near him), and also with large amounts of money for paying false witnesses, with the precise order to find or invent crimes for ruining him. What it is astonishing is that so few evidence against Berlusconi was actually found.

So, in the Berlusconi case (only for him and against some other target) it becomes a crime if he had some initial support from capitals coming from Sicilian organized criminality. ...But only because the Agnelli, CDB and others (specialist in predating and ruining companies, and even extorting large amounts of public funds when doing that) wanted and want to expropriate the same Berlusconi companies at their own profit.

(Di Pietro 2012) proposes the usual demagogy about worldwide total transparency of financial and banking transactions. States are criminal entities and organized criminalities are their parallel militias. And the same legal capitalism lives and prospers by illegal practices. What could be the solution? There is no solution until States/governments are promoters and coverers of all kind of criminal businesses. They advocate transparency for private entrepreneurs while the State Secret (hiding and protecting State/government crimes) is permanently extended. With State/governments having too much to hide, no real perfect transparency will be ever possible. Of course, the cops’ party wants ‘transparency’ ...for private small entrepreneurs.

Di Pietro denies that the 1992-93 Great Purge was judiciary terrorism. For him, everything was normal procedure. ...It is true that the Italic ‘normal procedures’ were and are different from other ones in other places... A bit in a confused state of mind, now Di Pietro claims that, thanks to I.T. and organization, he rapidly found evidence and that suspects run to his office for confessing, now he writes that he needed to isolate defendants for avoiding agreements between them and that they made evidence to disappear.

Actually special departments for the Great Purge were created by the Milan and other Prosecution Offices, what is illegal according to the Italian Constitution and ‘normal’ judicial procedures, and a large mass of detectives, with de facto special powers and procedures, was mobilised for this special job. Judiciary terrorism needs to expand State terrorism apparatuses, what was realized for this as well as for other purges and persecutions.

Di Pietro falsifies everything recurring to the rhetorical technique of presenting everything as obvious. However he has not the rhetorical ability and the cultivation of an Andreotti or other politicians and writers. Of course, he may not tell that the 1992-93 Great Purge was a classical Secret Police covert operation required from the Quirinale (the Presidency of the Republic) under Mediobanca influence, after that actually it was triggered from Andreotti and its Carabinieri Secret Police with annexed judiciary for his 1992 presidential games.

Andreotti, head of the government, and great puppet master of the State terrorism, then needed to break the pact DC-PSI, Forlani-Craxi, for Forlani President of the Republic and Craxi head of the government. Forlani did not become President of the Republic since the lack of the votes of the Andreotti faction and also since the trafficking of the Mediobanca area.

With the fall of the Berlin wall in November 1989, so with the disappearance of the Soviet Empire and the consequent ceasing of the 1943 Tehran agreements, the Cuccia’s Mediobanca, stronger since international support, had been charged to liquidate the post-war Italic political and institutional system creating a kind of Quirinale dictatorship with a government and a parliament subordinated to it. With the Capaci massacre (ordered from Spadolini, a Mediobanca puppet, temporarily replacing the resigned President Cossiga), Cuccia’s Mediobanca showed to be military stronger and sent the warning to Andreotti that either he renounced to become president of the Republic or he would have been assassinated.

Andreotti was asking the PSI support to Martelli, for becoming President, when he received the telephone call about the Capaci massacre. He understood he had lost the full control of the Secret Police apparatuses, and that the Capaci massacre was a direct and irresistible warning to him. He immediately told Martelli that he left the run for becoming President. ...A moment before he was asking him for the PSI votes...

Implementing his technique of presenting everything as obvious, Di Pietro tells that all the people he arrested were arrested with the authorization of the GIP (more precisely from the GIP on Prosecution Office request), so of a judge. What is another banality. Everybody knowing the 1992-93 Great Purge history, and more generally, how Italian magistracy works, knows that the GIP Office was, then, in Milan, a de facto appendage of the Prosecution Office. The signature of the GIP was a pure formality, for State terrorism operations. It was not an independent judge.  

Di Pietro, with his colleagues, was then the public and formal face of the Carabinieri Secret Police. There were secret lists of people to be ruined and secret lists of people to be saved and promoted. For the same crimes, certain people were ruined and certain other people were never formally inquired. The philosophy of the 1992-93 Great Purge, rapidly become a Quirinale-led Permanent Purge, was to protect and promote corruptible politicians, and to liquidate incorruptible ones.

Corruptibility and incorruptibility were not abstractly defined. They were defined according to the interests of the Italic predatory capitalism under the supervision of the comprador Cuccia’s Mediobanca. The PCI, the DC left etc were their good puppets although sometimes there were and are occasional disagreements about specific questions.

So, judicial terrorism was and is a permanent strike against the predatory capitalism enemies, but also a warning for its puppets. Since judicial terrorism implies the mobilization of State apparatuses, it represents the convergence of the interests of the predatory capitalism and of the predatory bureaucracies, so of all the Italic predatory oligarchies.

The predatory privatizations realised during and after the 1992-93 Great Purge would have not been possible without the removal of the centre (Craxi’s PSI included) of the political arena. Instead, ‘communists’, ‘fascists’, DC left etc were corruptible and already corrupted from the Mediobanca area. The same absolute aversion against Berlusconi was determined from that. He was an outsider (relatively to predatory capitalism living by State/government funds), and reputed not on the payroll of the Mediobanca area and anyway not sufficiently conditionable from it.

The political organizer, the agent on the field, the ‘great corruptor’ for Craxi, of Cuccia’s Mediobanca was CDB. He recruited/corrupted politicians, ministers, high bureaucrats for the 1992-93 coup d’État and the following permanent purge.

The formal event of the Enrico Cuccia’s Mediobanca coup d’État, of the takeover liquidated the First Republic, was the 23 May 1992 Capaci Massacre. Cuccia’s Mediobanca had got the resignation of President Cossiga, who was temporarily replaced by a Mediobanca pawn, Giovanni Spadolini. From the Quirinale he could order the 23 May 1992 Capaci Massacre, which liquidated the Andreotti run to the Presidency of the Republic. The result was a weak and manoeuvrable chap as Oscar Luigi Scalfaro as new President. The following Presidents were equally chaps expressions of the same bureaucratic and oligarchic predatory comprador bloc then headed from the Cuccia’s Mediobanca.

The 23 May 1992 Capaci Massacre, which created the Quirinale dictatorship, was an under-developmental comprador coup d’État wanted from the Empire. The sinking of Italy was already going on since various decades. The Quirinale dictatorship accelerated it. Now, Italy is irreversibly marginalized, with the Monti government (outcome of a Quirinale coup d’État against the fourth Berlusconi government) charged to cut real revenues at level of a marginalized area of the German Empire, the euro zone, what he is rapidly realizing.

Naturally, Di Pietro passes under silence that evidence was also invented, as usual in Purges, using for instance the rule he/she couldn’t not to know, while for those needed to be saved the opposite rule was implemented, he/she must not have known. People had previously opposed attempted predations, as the SME one, were liquidated also without any formal accusation. They were arrested and jailed, defamed by media, put under long pseudo-inquiries. Destroyed their political career, they were not even put in trial, since in some cases there were no accusations, only the secret order to liquidate certain politicians. When politicians were on the list of the people to be saved, evidence against them was not used. If something wanted to report crimes committed also from people or organizations (for example the Trade Unions which are very corrupted entities) to be saved, the prosecutor simply answered that he/she was not interested, despite the compulsory criminal action of the Italian legal frame. Clearly, those who were predestined to be destroyed, finally admitted the illegal financing without any problem. The PCI or ex-PCI, with party apparatuses well more costly than whatever other party, so with even more illegal financing than whatever other party, knew it was destined to be saved. Nobody confessed anything. Or, eventually, some marginal chap confessed that certain funds were for personal purposes or for unspecified entities so preserving the mafia-style law of silence relatively to the party. Predatory capitalism always heavily financed the PCI too. The PCI collected covert, so illegal, intermediation percentages on whatever business with the Soviet Empire area, and on businesses with ‘red’ administrations or depending on PCI personnel. When evidence about that appeared, during investigations, it was put on shelves and not used. There were those who/which ought to be targeted and those not to be targeted. Purges, State terrorism, work in this way...

The Di Pietro anecdotes on certain episodes are just self-justifications. Prosecution Offices are the front line of Carabinieri Secret Police corps having dirty job to do on institutional orders. The real government leads judiciary. There is no real rule of law. The entire history of Italy is characterised by such utilisation of the judiciary. The 1992-93 Great Purge was not the first episode of political and economic subversion. The same Milan Prosecution Offices, idem the Palermo and other ones, had already been used for dirty operations of Italian and foreign Secret Police corps. There were no white knights suddenly appeared.  

Di Pietro claims that he could not charge Occhetto and D’Alema, Andreotti too, although he tried. The Secret Police apparatuses around him, full of Andreotti clients, simply knew that the Milano operation began on Andreotti order. Andreotti was tried, in other places, for other non-provable crimes, not for illegal financing. Andreotti has the direct responsibility of assassinations, massacres, abuses etc he continuously ordered to military Secret Police corps. He acted as a Statesman without any moral constraint and so freely using military Secret Police officers for personal goals.  

The Mediobanca bloc built against Andreotti some ridiculous prosecution and trial as he had some personal connection with Mafias. Mafias are Carabineri Secret Police parallel militias (as everywhere in the world, mutatis mutandis). Andreotti had no need and no inclination to directly talk with a mafioso or with a Di Pietro. When Andreotti ordered assassinations, massacres and purges, he simply activated a military Secret Police officer who activated or deactivated those who were necessary to activate or deactivate for implementing the received order. Without written orders, and with the State Secret on such crimes, there was and there is no evidence usable in court. The ‘laic’ Andreotti, organically at Empire service, was Enrico Cuccia with his Mediobanca.

A different personage was Cossiga. If Andreotti was coldly maniacal, Cossiga had an irrepressible need to confess and to show he was insane. Every day, President Cossiga directly called the substitute-Prosecutor Di Pietro for getting information how the assault against Craxi was going on, so de facto showing his support. In Italy, the President of the Republic is also the President, with dictatorial powers, of the CSM (Magistracy High Council). Later, when Craxi was living in Tunisia, for avoiding to be jailed, Cossiga paid visits to Craxi simulating to be his friend. President Cossiga ‘fucked’ Craxi, ...and Andreotti too, because, without his cooperation, the Great Purge triggered from Andreotti could not start and, equally, without his cooperation (because he resigned as President of the Republic letting his position to a Mediobanca pawn as Spadolini precisely during the parliamentary sessions had to elect the new President), Mediobanca could not realize the Capaci massacre for hampering Andreotti from becoming President of the Republic.

For (Di Pietro 2012), Craxi gave the private information sector to Berlusconi illegitimately and in exchange of bribes. Again for (Di Pietro 2012), Craxi was responsible for the very high public debt.   

What happened was actually easier. Berlusconi made profitable local private TVs other entrepreneurs couldn’t. Since there was the national monopoly of the State radio-TV, the RAI, later, Berlusconi, by a trick, found the way to make his different TVs to act as a single national one, also broadcasting TV news. So there were not only the RAI national news broadcasts, but also the Fininvest group ones. In this way, he broke out the RAI monopoly. He went on going that thanks to the Craxi political and institutional help, while part of the DC and the PCI were for preserving the RAI monopoly. The PCI was bought giving it RAI-3. So its opposition was only a formal one.

In practice, a modernization was imposed thanks to Craxi and Berlusconi. Apart from that, it is true that from a monopoly, one passed to a duopoly. Nobody had the will and the courage to liquidate the State radio-TV and to create a real competitive private sector, with the State really profiting from the lease of the TV frequencies and guaranteeing real competition, although some other new commercial TV chains, operating on national scale, appeared.

The entire anti-modernizing bloc hysterically accused, and his continuing to accuse, Berlusconi of having modernized the Italian culture and sub-culture with despicable (in the opinion of the anti-modernizing bloc) American movies and Anglophone-style programs. At the same time, the Berlusconi TVs, contrarily to the RAI, gave voice to minority groups, emerging movements, heretical personages. Commercial TVs prosper on publicity. Consequently they need to attract audience. On the contrary the State TV, RAI, attracted publicity thanks to its monopoly position and had revenues from the compulsory TV license fees.

From a managerial point of view, the Berlusconi TVs were well managed and with growing profits, while the State TVs were poorly managed and in heavy deficit despite the TV license fees. Mediaset provided a better service with considerably less employees than the RAI. Yet in 2011, RAI spent 35.6% of its revenues for its employees, while Mediaset only the 13.4%. RAI is organized as a heavy, inefficient and corrupted bureaucracy and with various wide spreading frauds increasing its costs. Mediaset is organised as should an efficient company. ...What the anti-modernising bloc cannot forgive to Mediaset.

It was normal that, immediately after the 1994 Quirinale-Mediobanca coup d’État collapsed the Berlusconi government, the Italic predatory oligarchies tried to expropriate Mediaset but people voted, in occasion of the 1995 referenda, against them. At political-institutional level, the centre of the ex-PCI supported Berlusconi against the predatory oligarchies wanted only to expropriate him and to transform Fininvest-Mediaset in other State-funded ‘private’ TVs and eventually finally collapse them as they did with many companies they expropriate or bought at super-sale prices or they simply took over and mismanaged. From Olivetti to Telecom there is a long list of possible examples. The same Fiat always prospered thanks to generous State funds, while the Agnelli family de facto expropriated at its advantage, with Cuccia’s Mediobanca help, the key sectors of the Italic economy. The Agnellis had direct contacts and agreements with Anglo-American Secret Police departments bypassing the same Empire proconsul Cuccia.      

For Di Pietro, without Craxi, Berlusconi could have not broken the information monopoly, what for Di Pietro and all the Italic oligarchies is an unpardonable sin. Others, oligarchs included, tried, and they could not or their TVs failed. Without Berlusconi, they could have dominated the TV sector with State funds, as they already [mis]managed their other companies ...by State funds, de facto stealing immense amounts of public funds, with political and trade unions complicity. They have sunk Italy in this way. The joint action of bureaucratic and private oligarchies predations created the permanent fiscal crisis of the Italic State.

For Di Pietro, in exchange of the false opposition to the Craxi protection of the Berlusconi TV interests, the PCI received the full control of RAI-3. It is true. What contradicts the Di Pietro theory of the immaculate Italy corrupted from Craxi and Berlusconi. The PCI was created from the British in 1944, from them largely funded also with funds and real estates previously of the fascist party, and it later grew and prospered also by such exchanges. It had a big apparatus of functionaries and economic interests, heavily financed by what was later called ‘corruption’. It was a mix of systemic, party and personal corruption. Everybody knew and knows that. Everybody enjoyed and enjoys that corrupted system, Di Pietro and his party too. 

The Italic regime was founded on the axis DC-PCI, Vatican-AngloAmericans. The PSI was just a PCI appendage, later transformed in a DC one and finally illusorily attempting, with Craxi, to liquidate the PCI malediction and to replace this Anglo-American (under para-Soviet cover) comprador party by a modern social-democracy. Craxi was actually too weak against the PCI and ex-PCI. The consociative regime DC-PCI was never broken. ...The DC centre and the PSI were finally broken and liquidated while the ex-PCI was openly recruited and covered from the SIS-CIA, without any residual mask of Soviet influence. The backward ideology and policies of the PCI were never revised. Simply the ex-PCI switched from a formal submission to Soviet Union (it was decidedly more and organically subordinated to Italian Carabinieri) to direct agreements with the SIS and the CIA. Since the PCI, now PD (ex-PCI + catho-communist from the DC), was and is a clientelist machine, his followers do not worry about claimed ideologies or international alignments. 

The DC and the PCI, with the complicity of ALL the other political parties, further corrupted and devastated the already inefficient Italic State and its finances. Craxi had the power of his less than 15% votes, dependent in part from the DC and in part from the PCI and without any real foreign support. A PSI breaking with the DC, and consequently with the public industry etc illegal financing and clientelism, would have rapidly disappeared or become again a PCI appendage. A PSI more radically against a backward and corrupted PCI would have been rejected from the same DC. The PSI was outside the 1943 Tehran agreements. It was not essential for the Imperial order for Italy, while the Vatican and the PCI were essential elements of it, at least until 1989. Also the other parties, the so-called ‘laics’ had no real role. The Empire already had its Cuccia’s Mediobanca. The tiny PRI was its not essential political representative inside formal governments. 

Di Pietro, in part ignorant, in part genetically a trickster, cannot tell that, when he was leading the Great Purge from his judiciary’s position, public debt suddenly jumped from 100% GNP, to about 125% GNP. In practice, the coup d’État governments allocated even more funds than before to the predatory oligarchies. They claimed great saving measures, while they actually increased State and private predations. Such was the function of the Great Purge, to liquidate politicians not sufficiently buyable for letting the field free for the politicians on the Mediobanca bloc payroll. Berlusconi was not one of them, so the war against him was immediately restarted.

Relatively to Craxi, for Di Pietro it was not a right choice that he acted for saving Moro in 1978. An ignorant and mystificatory Di Pietro cannot know that Moro was assassinated on Andreotti orders. Craxi could not denounce that, since he had not sufficient ‘military’ power for opposing Andreotti. Eventually, one might accuse Craxi of having being too weak while trying saving the Moro life, while he was perhaps already informed that the whole business was only an Andreotti CC Secret Police Operation (for becoming him President of the Republic instead of a Moro already selected for that position from a secret agreement DC-PCI) and everybody finally knew where Moro was detained, firstly from the BR (Red Brigades), later (in a different place) from an Andreotti CC Roman organised criminality and finally given back to the BR for the final show.   

Di Pietro shows his confused institutional ideas claiming that a Presidential Republic was wrong because wanted from Craxi and Berlusconi. Actually, an abusive President’s dictatorship exists with the 7 year president. A real US-style Presidential Republic would certainly be more democratic and less abusive that a President elected for seven years and permanently abusing governments and parliaments obeying to Mediobanca-PredatoryOligarchies needs. Not casually, Di Pietro joined the regime strong opposition to the Berlusconi modernizing Constitution would have created governments capable to really govern and made impossible the Quirinale permanent coup d’État action. That Constitution was finally sunk by the 2006 Constitutional referendum wanted from the predatory oligarchies which brainwashed voters by an obsessive propaganda in defence of the backward 1948 Constitution.

For Di Pietro, clientelism and public corruption start with the triplet Craxi-Andreotti-Forlani. Where did Di Pietro live? For Di Pietro, the Craxi sin was to have broken the DC-PCI consociativism, what actually did not really happen. Craxi only tried that. Di Pietro defends his participation to the 1992-93 Great Purge, with mystificatory and confused arguments. This is the sense of his improbable and inconsistent assertions.

Di Pietro and his interviewer are not very accurate. For instance, on 5 March 1993, no Craxi government existed. There was a Quirinale-Amato government. And the pact of the tart (patto della crostata) is of 1997, not 1994.  

It is decidedly ridiculous the Di Pietro claim that Prodi was IRI president without even imagining that IRI was used for illegal financing of political parties. Prodi was the only Italian citizen not to know that! It is equally ridiculous that Prodi called Di Pietro as Public Work Minister since the eminence of Di Pietro. Prodi was perhaps only paying an ex-post bribe for not having been ruined from Di Pietro, even if, being Prodi on the Secret Police lists of the people to be protected, he had not the need to pay such a bribe. Since the Quirinale heavily determined government creations and variously led the same governments, very likely it was the same Quirinale, by its Carabinieri Secret Police, which firstly suggested Di Pietro as Minister and a bit later let some of the Di Pietro (always judicially innocent, of course!) corruptions to emerge, what led to the Di Pietro resignation (20/11/1996) from the 1996 Prodi government.

In fact, later, Prodi did not worry too much about inquiries against him, while he was extremely agitated when the substitute-prosecutor Di Pietro convoked and maltreated him. His power network provided to free him from whatever suspect. Of course, his giving a lot of public money to the predatory oligarchies was not without material advantages for him. He is anyway a protected species. Nobody inquires if Prodi spends one million euro for buying a flat.

Hilariously, a formal political commissar of a Great Purge, as Di Pietro was, accuses Berlusconi to have entered politics for saving himself from his judicial problems ...since the Great Purge! In a cold civil war, there is a war logic. Clearly the butchers, or ex-butchers, pretend that the objects of their strikes simulate that everything be normal and accept ‘normal’ trials, while there is nothing normal in a white civil war and in a situation of permanent coup d’État.

It would be useful underline that the permanent coup d’État against politics, formal governments and parliaments struck not only the Berlusconi governments but also the Prodi and other ones. Just Prodi was a bit intolerant of the continuous Quirinale interferences, or was not 100% servile to the wishes of some predatory oligarchs (for instance when Gianni Agnelli ordered him to create a Latin bloc for avoiding the immediate adhesion to the euro zone, what Prodi tried to do but he was unsuccessful) his governments were variously sunk. The so-called centre-left was not less immune from the Quirinale permanent coups d’État logic and interferences than the so-called centre-right. The only difference was the relative immunity, from direct and personal judicial strikes and liquidations, of whoever belonged to the Quirinale Party (letfs, Casini, Fini etc), more popular in the so-called centre-left area but not without organic followers in the so-called centre-right one.  

This book is an erratic source of disinformation (although incomplete, imprecise and not rigorously presented) already disposable on the mediatic circuits. It is more interesting for inferring the Di Pietro psychology than for his worthless testimonies it provides.

Di Pietro, A., and M. Zapparoli Funari, Politici. Da Craxi a Berlusconi,da Bossi a Fini, da Prodi a Grillo a Monti, quattordici ritratti insoliti, Ponte alle Grazie, 2012. 

19 November 2012

Letter from Lhasa, number 295.
DiPietro’s Ad Ogni Costo

Letter from Lhasa, number 295. DiPietro’s Ad Ogni Costo
by Roberto Abraham Scaruffi

Di Pietro, A., Ad ogni costo. Battaglie e proposte per un’altra Italia, Adriano Salani Editore, 2010.
(Di Pietro 2010).
Antonio Di Pietro

This book, a propaganda operation of Di Pietro and his political movement (IdV), opens with the introduction of Beppe Grillo, which is openly mystificatory. Grillo evidently subscribes the theory of the noble knights suddenly coming down from the skies in 1992 (for the 1992-93 Great Purge and further developments), someone also before. For Grillo, Di Pietro is one of them. When Grillo, otherwise apparently well documented and critical on ecological and connected questions, looks at Di Pietro, he suddenly becomes naive and acritical. Not casually, for him, Di Pietro is Kryptonite, “Kryptonite Di Pietro”, as Grillo calls him. Certainly there is some untellable link. ...The Carabinieri?   

Di Pietro. If one is a son of a rich peasant and, after the high school, emigrates for a couple of years abroad as a common worker, it is because one is ambitious and wants a different life. If, in 1973, one becomes a civil servant by the military air force, one needs the security clearance from the Carabineri. Also in this way, the Carabinieri recruit informers, provocateurs, agents. If, in parallel, one attends university, and one’s university ‘career’ is covered from the State Secret (yes, the exams and the final project of the Di Pietro academic education are a well protected State Secret!), that means that there are irregularities covered from the same Carabinieri Secret Police one in same way served. If, despite various problems, one goes through a rapid career as local council secretary (a central State function), police commissar, magistrate in Prosecution Offices, it is not because one is lucky, but because one worked for the Carabinieri Secret Police. Final element: one is the central magistrate of a Great Purge (1992-93 and 1994 assault against the Berlusconi government), a typical Carabinieri Secret Police operation on institutional (Quirinale) orders.

It is of course possible that Di Pietro, who sometimes appears as in a confused state of mind, did not know what he was doing. For Grillo, he is anyway one of the white knights, a Robin Hood, suddenly appeared. Di Pietro always had an expensive style of life and also created a real estate small empire. Yes, in magistracy and in politics, certain people become rapidly rich. They are sui generis Robin Hood...

In addition, Di Pietro was saved from corruption trials since he had the custom to pretend and to accept bribes for him and his family. Magistracy declared that this was not a crime ...for him! Magistracy did not deny that he was factually responsible of such crimes. It simply declared that he must not be tried for them. Everything was solved outside court from a preliminary judge, different from a real trial. Judicially innocent is different from correct or honest. Only the Carabinieri Secret Police, at Quirinale orders, could save him from such trials, perhaps after that the same Quirinale induced him to leave magistracy indirectly using such crimes.

Of course, Di Pietro claims his complete innocence from whatever suspect, although in front of the preliminary judge, in Brescia, he was trembling and confusingly stuttering. For Grillo, Di Pietro is the incorruptible, incontrollable, free rider of Italian politics. Grillo raves...

Also since his personalistic management of his political party, Di Pietro has accumulated a vast real estate patrimony. Differently from other politicians, he was not charged and there was no request of arrest against him. He was only rapidly unmasked by media (second half 2012) and in some way sunk without excessive personal damages. For Grillo, it is not possible to buy Di Pietro. Actually those who/which cover Di Pietro have bought him since a long time. 

The IdV, the Di Pietro’s party, is the classical party created from military commands, Carabinieri ones in the Italic case, which carefully watch and manoeuvre the Italic political parties by their Secret Police corps and their political departments. Not a great operation, actually: a rightist party, with limited consensuses, so obliged to align with the left for trying surviving.

In its program there is everything and nothing, spiced with the request of some fascist-style social measure. Its unifying element is the Di Pietro adoration, with what Di Pietro represents, the 1992-93 Great Purge, plus the 1994 judicial assault against the Berlusconi government, implemented from a Carabinieri Secret Police at Quirinale orders. Even if common people do not know the details of the 1992-93’s Great Purge, around Di Pietro there is the smell of what he did. It is impossible, for whoever just observes Di Pietro, to perceive whatever element of evidence of personal integrity. He basically is a cunning chap needing continuously to show he is such.

Di Pietro constantly launches the subliminal messaged of his cunningness. ‘Legality’ is the cover. Idem other ‘political’-theatrical shows. The subliminal messages are different. Other politicians now join now leave the Di Pietro party according to their personal conveniences. It is the same rule followed from Di Pietro for his political alliances and splits. When he simulates to be against everybody, it is just for raising his price.

Nobody can take over the IdV because its owner is Di Pietro. He controls the money. Until there are no investigations about that, it is because Di Pietro is covered from the Carabinieri Secret Police (with annexed Prosecution Offices). Differently, Di Pietro could be liquidated in a few days, as it was done with Umberto Bossi.

Actually that was done, but in a very soft way, against Di Pietro, in the second half 2012, very likely on Monti order since Di Pietro opposed his government. Not casually, whoever opposed the Monti government was object of judicial strikes. Against Di Pietro, everything happened without judicial interventions until the moment these lines are written. What is absolutely unusual, although not for a super-protected species as Di Pietro is.

This book, largely reporting Di Pietro declarations and speeches, or part of them, is an operation for presenting Di Pietro as the only real opposition. When a front wins elections, it is always useful emphasising what unifies. Government, power, guarantees clients and consensus. When a front loses general elections, a small party can hope to preserve some consensus by constantly appearing on media as different and better than everybody else. This is the sense of the Di Pietro operation, after the 2008 general elections won from the Berlusconi front, of criticizing everybody for appearing as the only opposition party. 

Of course, in (Di Pietro 2010), one can find the usual demagogy about organized criminality. Mafias are State/government parallel militias, everywhere in the world. The Italic ‘great’ magistrates and ex-magistrates simulate not to know that...

In (Di Pietro 2010), there is also the usual nonsense on the Berlusconi initial capitals for its entrepreneurial adventures. Comprador Italy, as all comprador State/country, sees its capitalism constantly criminalized.

In the USA-UK, as in the whole Anglophone area, capitalists and their capitals generally have criminal origins and nobody worries. Since Berlusconi always was and is perceived, from the Italic predatory oligarchies and from the international powers, as an obstacle to their full domination and devastation of the Italic peninsula, what is normal for everybody else become a mortal sin and crime relatively to him. On the other side, being him basically an adaptive coward, he has not the courage to clearly denounce all the demagogy, and worse, against him. He thinks and hopes, in this way, to minimize his personal damages.

Overall with the closed Italic banking system, a young entrepreneur, outside oligarchic networks and needing money, takes it wherever possible. There is nothing scandalous. State crimes are scandalous, not that.

Di Pietro joins the current demagogy, organized from the comprador Quirinale and its Carabinieri and other Secret Police corps, against Berlusconi. Di Pietro comes from the same area of State terrorism and terrorists. ...If it is not terrorism a Great Purge, and Di Pietro was de facto its formal political commissar...

If the equivalent of a few hundred thousands, or perhaps some millions, of dollars, coming from Sicilian chaps, financed the early Berlusconi entrepreneurial activities, it would be interesting to inquire be invested all the mass of money accumulated from the Italian organised criminality, which is considerably more than a few million dollars. It clearly goes into the some hands of those accusing the Berlusconi companies of having mafia origins! However the Italic predatory bureaucracies and oligarchies are untouchable, as are untouchable the world powers. The organized criminality funds are recycled and invested in the main financial markets. What are a few coins hypothetically received from the Berlusconi companies? The reason of all this demagogy about that is certainly not some defence of legality, as corrupted scholars and corrupted media operators claim.    

Di Pietro, who quibbles about Craxi, writes that Gianni Agnelli was a corruptor. It is true. All the italic entrepreneurs are such, in proportion of their wealth. If they are not, they are liquidated from the Italic corrupted system. ...Sure that abroad be really different?! However, Di Pietro ‘forgets’ to tell that he was charged to persecute and prosecute Craxi while, at the same time, he was charged to protect Gianni Agnelli, what he did. Then, Gianni Agnelli could be easily accused of whatever. Di Pietro carefully avoided doing it.

When one is in charge, as formal political commissar, of a Great Purge, one has lists of people to ruin and lists of people to save. That is what Di Pietro did. Such is Di Pietro. The Italic predatory oligarchies have charged their corrupted journalists and corrupted politicians to brandish the banner of legality just for fighting the Berlusconi and his governments who and which they opposed, while they paralyzed them by the key institutions they controlled as the Quirinale and the connected Carabinieri Secret Police corps with annexed judiciary. Di Pietro as a magistrate and as a politicians participated and participate to these activities, although he gained a lot of money and real estates both as a magistrate and as a politicians, money not coming from his salary or from the income of his family. ...Moralists’ ‘mysteries’...   

Summarizing, in this works Di Pietro tries to present himself and his political party as the only real opposition in Italy. It is a technique for trying preserving his/its niche of electoral consensus. And he uses the current demagogy against Berlusconi, since he has no hope to align from that side despite his political party be a rightist movement, actually more rightist than a liberal or pseudo-liberal ‘centre-right’ could accept, while for the Italic left there be no problem to converge with it.  

Di Pietro has been de facto sunk, in a few days, after the summer 2012, by some rumours (and also some prosecution but not involving him) on his and his consociates personal corruption using party and public funds, although he had been not submitted to any judicial inquiry. For other MPs, accused of having profited from party financing, arrest warrants were requested. ...Di Pietro belongs to protected species... He was mediatically unmasked for having profited from his political position, while no investigation was opened against him with the hypothesis that the funds for that came either from illegal financing or from an illegal use of the public financing to political parties. ...He remained a protected species, even when some Monti-Quirinale asked some Carabinieri Secret Police corps to neutralize him since his opposition to the Monti government...    

Di Pietro, A., Ad ogni costo. Battaglie e proposte per un’altra Italia, Adriano Salani Editore, 2010. 

18 November 2012

Letter from Lhasa, number 294.
Spinoza. Un libro serissimo ...all’italiotica

Letter from Lhasa, number 294. Spinoza. Un libro serissimo ...all’italiotica
by Roberto Abraham Scaruffi

Andreoli, S., and A. Bonino, Spinoza. Un libro serissimo, Aliberti Editore, Italy, 2010.
(Andreoli 2010).
Stefano Andreoli
Alessandro Bonino

Battute argute e ben scritte anche se con un bias, Berlusconi come ossessione. Infatti ora sono orfani.

Chissà se si dedicheranno a Monti con la stessa o maggior foga, essendo andato lì per rapinare alla grande (non vedete come è tutto eccitato CDB, idem gli Agnelli etc?), non per berlusconcazzeggiare. Ormai è più di un anno che sta lì... ...O se si sveglieranno su Napolitano (e con chi poi lo sostituirà, ...Monti?!), il governo reale prima arrivasse Monti in Goldman Sachs, il Napolitano che, dal Quirinale, controlla (anche se Monti sembra averlo soppiantato pure in questo, grazie al suo superiore grado ‘massonico’) le Polizie Segrete CC quirinalizie, con procure e media annessi, e che dunque produce gli ‘scandali’, l’ambiente ‘naturale’, innaturalmente prodotto, per battute argute o meno...

Fino ad ora, Napolitano lo hanno solo sfiorato di rimbalzo, per non essere abbastanza duro con Berluska. Scusate, ma al centro dell’ormai irreversibile sfascio italico ci sono i Napolitano, almeno come pupazzetti... No, a loro non interessa. Siccome il Berluska è il nemico giurato delle solite oligarchie predatorie (sebbene ‘il demone’ sia piuttosto pavido ed omertoso, per cui se la faccia sotto sorridendo), ecco che è divenuto il nemico degli anti-berluskonizzati usati come anti-berluskonici. Prima lavano loro il cervello. Poi li usano.

Oh, cazzo! ...Orrore... Berlusconi ha iniziato le sue fortune con capitali siculi. S’è affiliato alla P2 andreottian-berlingueriana. S’è fatto coprire da Craxi che ha ovviamente sussidiato. Ha rotto il monopolio RAI ed ha fatto fruttare TV che i grandi oligarchi predatori facevano fallire, sebbene le TV commerciali fossero un settore ad alti profitti pur senza soldi di Stato. Poi, visto il suo successo, gli oligarchi predatori hanno sognato di ed operato per distruggere il Berluska, appropriarsi delle sue aziende e, naturalmente, disastrarle, come hanno sempre fatto con le loro, e trasformarle in sussidiate permanenti di Stato, o magari semplicemente venderle a ricchi foresti dopo averle frammentate e svuotate del contante, secondo la procedura standard di lor signori.

Chi sono gli oligarchi predatori? Ma i soliti Agnelli, CDB etc che prosperano predando lo Stato. Il puparo compradoro Cuccia se li è proprio scelti bene i picciotti da arricchire! ...Un oligarca nipponico li avrebbe affondati e preso il controllo delle loro aziende trasformate in public companies... Ma Cuccia ha sempre operato da mafioso siculo-giudaico, di padre ufficiale improbabile, ovviamente al servizio dell’Impero lo ha nominato proconsole per l’economia pseudo-privata d’Italiozia. Lo sfascio di quella pubblica è stato affidato a DC-PCI ed appendici. Lo sfascio controllato di quella pseudo-privata a Cuccia. Quando è scomparso, a metà 2000, la missione era compita ed Italiozia ormai irreversibilmente marginalizzata pur con apparenze d’area sviluppata. Controprova: citate un solo settore, vecchio o nuovo, in cui Italiozia abbia una qualche eccellenza internazionale. Il tirare e campare?! Appunto... Ora hanno mandato in missione speciale Monti e spiegarvi che pure i livelli di reddito da area sviluppata sono insostenibili, per cui li sta abbattendo rapidamente con lievitazioni di costi e prezzi, e drastica contrazione dei redditi reali. Ed anche la competitività di qualche azienda di geni esperti nel tirare a campare in contesto avverso si contrae e dissolve di fronte alla GdF.  

Scusate ma che sono i crimini e le predazioni della Mediobanca di Cuccia e picciotti al confronto di quattro soldi siculi (le banche normali non danno soldi a geni senza garanzie reali), una P2 in liquidazione (le liste coi nominativi del PCI o da restare coperti, sono state tenute coperte dalla Polizia Segreta CC-NATO; a voi hanno dato i nomi delle scartine, un 35%, per abbuffarvene) e le coperture craxiane? È vero, si scatenassero coi veri sfasciatori d’Italiozia, i battutisti e gli umoristi ne uscirebbero liquidati a loro volta, magari da incidenti del tutto ‘casuali’ ...quanto rapidi ed improvvisi. Invece, col Berluska vanno sul sicuro. Sono coperti. 

Infatti, a giudicare dal sito di riferimento, http://www.spinoza.it , non sembra si siano convertiti all’assalto a Monti. Beh, ovvio, avendo di fronte ora il novello Gesù Cristo redentore...

Anzi, diciamola com’è... Il potere fornisce la linea, con le sue Polizie Segrete CC quirinalizie che producono ‘evidenza giudiziaria’ (...quella ordinata loro!) ...e mediatica. Loro prestano ad essa l’arguzia da battuta. ...Come infilare un gettone dove vi sia una fessura accogliente, e poi la macchinetta fa quello che era stata programmata per fare... Un Travaglio fattosi battutaro... ...La noia delle lunghe ore trascorse ‘sull’evidenza giudiziaria’ che ha il valore intrinseco dei materiali giudiziari delle purghe e processi sovietici, e delle FBI geneticamente maccartiste. Ottimi, per analizzare come operino le Polizie Segrete agli ordini dei regimi, e contro avversari e bersagli del momento per pure ragioni di terrore sistemico. Ma del tutto inutili come evidenza storica di eventi, a parte il funzionamento interno delle purghe e altri crimini di apparati coperti Stato mai qualcuno li sapesse usare per quel che sono. Fanno eccezione, ovviamente, le masse di lobotomizzati che si bevono come verità assoluta qualunque montatura di fonte giudiziaria. ...Ed i battutari seguono a ruota!

Ecco, e se ‘inforcano’ Monti, gli Agnelli, CDB, il Quirinale colle sue Polizie Segrete CC con giudiziario annesso e poi li chiudono dopo cinque minuti? Editori che spariscono, tipografie che chiudono, banche che si voltano dall’altra parte, distributori che si sottraggono, fornitori che si defilano, datori di lavoro che ti mobbizzano e liquidano: quelle cose apparentemente casuali ma che tali non sono. Devono già avere risolto la questione decenni fa... ...Meglio scantonare... ...Restare sul ‘dovuto’ soft, se proprio... Infatti lavorano ancora.

Orfani di Berlusconi, continuano a perpetuarlo anche se ora è evidente che non conti più nulla. Almeno prima sembrava contasse qualcosa, da pseudo capo del governo formale. Hanno egualmente un futuro. Se riescono a capire tutto quello che ha veramente fatto, possono sempre innovare passando a battute su Andreotti. ...La satira sì, ma la pagnotta prima.

Andate tranquilli, su http://www.spinoza.it . Saranno magari passati a Obama. È innocuo. Non gliene frega niente a nessuno, neppure all’interessato. Ma Monti, gli Agnelli, i CDB, il Quirinale, le Polizie Segrete CC e gli altri oligarchi predatori d’Italiozia... Off limits! Se li sfioreranno, sarà per accarezzarli.

Hanno scomodato Spinoza. Ma sono solo italioti.

Andreoli, S., and A. Bonino, Spinoza. Un libro serissimo, Aliberti Editore, Italy, 2010. 

Letter from Lhasa, number 293.
Grillo’s A Riveder le Stelle

Letter from Lhasa, number 293. Grillo’s A Riveder le Stelle
by Roberto Abraham Scaruffi

Grillo, B., A Riveder le Stelle. Come seppellire i partiti e tirar fuori l’Italia dal pantano, Rizzoli, Milano, Italy, 2010.
(Grillo 2010).
Beppe Grillo

This book is a kind of articulated political manifesto of the Grillo’s political party, M5S [the Four Stars Movement], realized extracting Grillo’s posts from his blog, http://www.beppegrillo.it/. It is well written, although demagogical and politologically weak, confused. 

(Grillo 2010) represents Italian politicians as waiters of the parasitic-mafiosa economy, and as created from media, from their lies. ...Politicians as representation... For it, judiciary should have supremacy over politics, the Parliament should be without convicted people, traditional politicians and journalists should be fired and the US military bases should be expulsed from the Italic territory.  

“Il programma parla di energia, di trasporti, di mobilità, di Wi-Fi libero e gratuito, di accesso alla Rete, abbiamo grandi cose sulla raccolta differenziata dei rifiuti porta a porta: un sacco di proposte, le idee del futuro. Potremo decidere noi se fare le centrali nucleari, noi e non degli zombie che sono lì a decidere sulla nostra qualità della vita e su quella dei nostri figli!” (Grillo 2010, p. 8)
This represents a kind of statu nascenti of a movement full of illusions. Actually, the Grillo movement has already overcome the phase of the statu nascenti. The statu nascenti is only simulated from the Grillo-Casaleggio staff for image/propaganda reasons.

So, they dream a political party, without bureaucracy, headquarters, statutes, treasurers, party funds, party functionaries, formal leaders, basically a libertarian movement however well sectarian and verbally violent when dealing with dissenters. On the other side, no movement without a centre could actually exist. The command centre of the M5S is in the dictatorial hands of the Grillo-Casaleggio staff.  

They claim they want to liquidate ‘the [political-institutional] caste’, to limit the parliamentary mandate to two legislatures, not to allow inquired and convicted citizens to parliament, to fight MPs’ absenteeism. At the same time, slave of regime stereotypes and previous political-demagogic initiatives, they declare they like the horrible (institutionally weak), confuse and prolix Italian formal Constitution. They do not want a Constitution allowing a real government and a real parliament. They dream a total change with institutions do not allowing any change...

A ‘clean parliament’ is not better that a ‘dirty’ one. All parliaments are representative of something and somebody. Party have always decided who ought to be elected. Intraparty competition rewards only the most corrupted politicians because they have more funds and supports for their personal campaigning. So, intraparty competition is not a guarantee of anything. That MPs be present at parliamentary works is guarantee of nothing if a parliament is without any power, what is the case of the Italian parliament, what ignorance and demagogy cannot catch and denounce.   

For (Grillo 2010), to suppress provinces would bring to save about 11 billion per year, even more firing at least part of its employees. (Grillo 2010) becomes suddenly soft about firing bureaucrats, despite they largely be inefficient and useless. Equally it advocated the reduction of the number of communes, a part of which is really too small. Despite something be made in this direction (reduction of the number of provinces and communes) from the Monti government, actually to remove useless and harmful bureaucracies is continuing to be an impossible mission in Italy.

First, it would be necessary to introduce a British-style flexibility, where it is possible to rapidly fire, as well as to rapidly hire if necessary, masses of public employees. Without that, State apparatuses will remain out of control, whoever got the formal political power.

In Italy, the whole demagogy against “the caste” [politicians] has been created from real power centres for protecting bureaucratic and private corruption, wastes, predations. Politicians and Statesmen/women are stigmatized while bureaucratic corruption and wastes, costing thousands times more, are simply passed under silence.

For instance, to serve, in whatever elective position, only a maximum of two terms, as in the M5S program, would have the consequence of letting more politically uncontrolled, than nowadays they already are, omnipotent, inefficient, corrupted, predatory public bureaucracies. If a MPs or a local administrator cannot be in office for more than 10 years, why should a public employee? In Italy, for simulating better controlling bureaucracies, authorities have even been created, ...but it is a real mystery what they actually do. They are just additional costly and corrupted useless bureaucracies.

The bureaucratic question would be the real Italic (as well of many other States and countries) question. Bureaucracies, as well as private predatory oligarchies, are destroying Italy and there is nothing to do. Even ‘new’ movements as the Grillo’s one simply avoid the question.

In (Grillo 2010), there is a lot of other proposals, all reasonable, as referenda without quorum, financial cover for whatever new law, publicity about legislative and public life and possibility for citizens to intervene with their points of view, in practice, extension of forms of direct democracy on the model, for instance, of http://www.data.gov/ . However, democracy by itself has never solved questions of development-underdevelopment. Without dealing with the basic questions of the Italic underdevelopment and underdevelopmentalism, no real change and improvement will be actually possible.

Of course, also other (Grillo 2010) proposals and denunciations are absolutely reasonable and appropriate. It would be necessary to invert agriculture decline, while the world needs more food, and favouring local products would create more consumer quality at cheaper prices. Italy is without any real social assistance, and it would be appropriate to create it. There are now continuous initiatives for destroying whatever free enterprise, overall those favouring consumers. It would be necessary a more universal health service covering everybody, illegal foreigners included. Clean energy and various techniques of energy saving would be more than appropriate, overall in Italy where there is a relevant even electric power deficit. Decaying education and the phenomenon of researchers preferring to remain abroad should be reversed. Internet should be free for everybody, while Italy has now a backward position even relatively to high-speed internet. To extend the web/internet is to extend the potential access to information. It is right to say “No!” to the car society and to exasperate mobility, while IT could avoid part of the moving from place to place. It is true that it is anti-historical to incentive cars. Public transportation should be efficient for being a real substitute of private transportation. The Val di Susa (Italy-France) TAV [high-speed rail] is a clear waste imposed, against whatever evidence and forecast, from predatory oligarchies only anxious to speculate on a very costly, although useless, public work. All that while commuters daily commute in miserable conditions, use they private or public transportations. It is true that Italian journalists be a prostituted caste. It is only that Grillo has illusions on foreign ones: nowhere there are independent media.

Since nothing works, for (Grillo 2010), “No!” is not anymore sufficient. One should learn to say: “Yes, fuck off!” ...It would be useful if there were a real movement with some strong idea and the possibility to change reality, what there is not. The Grillo’s movement is not such.

History shows that the course of underdeveloping and underdevelopmental States/countries can only be reversed through State demolition and rebuilding and that this can be realized only from developmental oligarchies. ...Not by useless and imaginary popular ‘revolutions’ [always an ex-post making sense of senseless or not understood events] but by revolutions from the top. Simply, such oligarchies there are not in Italy, and no German or ‘EU’ oligarchy has any other interest than working for the further marginalization of the Latin area, which will be accomplished with the open sinking of France, already structural inferior to the Germanic and Nordic areas although presented, for image reasons, as with the same status than Germany, what economically has not. On the other side, the already realized marginalization of Italy and other States/countries could not be reversed leaving the euro area.

Only developmental oligarchies can create developmental courses. In Italy, there are not and there is no symptom they could ever emerge.    

For (Grillo 2010), the financial and banking system has largely contributed to the deindustrialization and economic decaying of Italy. Is it sure that public debt, and its permanence and increase relatively to the 100% GNP of the last Andreotti government, despite the claims of new eras and destruction of the supposed terrible partitocracy, be not a more basic factor?

Anyway an uncontrolled financial and banking sector is only the consequence of bureaucratic corruption and inefficiency, and of a State out of control, what the 1992-93 judicial assault, the Mediobanca-led Great Purge (exalted from Grillo and his M5S), has only worsened. In (Grillo 2010), one may find the usual demagogy on the white knights descending from the immaculate skies of the judiciary, as in a corrupted and decaying country it would be possible a courageous and independent judiciary. Such assertions are simply fantasies of desperate and self-deceiving people.

Anyway, with a public debt around 125-130% GNP, it is clear that the banking systems earns more buying public debt bills than risking financing companies, apart, of course, predatory oligarchy’s companies. What finally destroys whatever sane productive system. At the base of these pathologies there is the dogma of a public debt which, on the contrary, should be rapidly reimbursed. ...But nobody worries about that...

The book finally describes the progresses and projects of the Beppe Grillo political movement. The M5S is presented as a kind of peaceful revolutionary movement wishing to pose itself as a radical alternative to various current policies (while not worrying too much about other ones as oppressive and predatory bureaucracies and oligarchies) and wanting to change everybody life.

Actually, the Grillo’s bubble is not a radical alternative to anything, although it will not be worse of the existing political personnel. As typical of whatever new movement, it is creating the illusion of an innovative political force while, as already happened previously in similar cases, once in Parliament it will be used for the needs of the Quirinale comprador dictatorship (with its Carabinieri Secret Police with annexed judiciary) is devastating Italy since the 1992 (Capaci massacre) Mediobanca comprador coup d’État. Under the so-called partitocracy, it was not necessarily better, although there were differences at various levels and the political and institutional personnel, despite it was qualitatively miserable as later, was less subordinated to predatory oligarchies.

Function of the 1992-93 Great Purge was precisely to liquidate non-buyable politicians. There was a replay just emerged Berlusconi representing in some way the same relatively independence of the then just purged ‘first republic’ politicians and Statesmen/women. Whatever his personal interests, or the origins of his capitals, Berlusconi was strongly fought from the Mediobanca and bureaucratic coup d’État bloc because he was lived as, and he objectively was, the coagulator of a political personnel not totally buyable from the predatory bloc, that political personnel that bloc hoped to have totally liquidated by the 1992-93 Great Purge, when Mediobanca protected and promoted the political personnel on its payrolls.  

Moralist-judicialist demagogy simulates that those who take illegal financing, sometimes also for personal profit, from private interests be devils while those totally prostituted to bureaucratic and private predatory oligarchies be saints. Ethically, institutionally and politically there are various differences. Politicians extorting companies are different from politicians at payroll of companies. From this point of view, for instance, Craxi was an honest Statesman while Prodi a corrupted one distributing large amounts of public funds to private oligarchies. From a managerial point of view, apart from the Prodi propensity to distribute large amount of public money and companies to his friends of the predatory oligarchies, they were both disgustingly inept. Of course, brainwashed people believe in ‘judicial evidence’ ...made up from Carabinieri Secret Police corps, with annexed judiciary, at Quirinale-Mediobanca orders. The Grillo movement belongs to this category of brainwashed people. It has a logic absolutely internal to the Italic predatory system, despite his relevant quantity of clever proposals. ...Whatever political party has programs full of good ideas....      

New supposedly antagonist and remedial movements are just illusions eventually only favouring further bureaucratic and private oligarchies predations. More politics is weak, more bucreucratic and private predations can develop more freely. However the Italic problem is not even this one.

Was and is ‘strong’ a politics prospering on illegal financing while ‘weak’ a politics equally prospering on illegal financing but judicially and mediatically covered because making gift of massive amounts of public funds and companies to the usual private and bureaucratic oligarchies? While politicians are, once in office, de facto hostages of bureaucratic and private powers, the distinction between a priori strong and a priori weak politicians becomes a scholastic distinction. When Prodi (with lefts’ and trade union support) made gift of the Alfa Romeo to the Agnellis, also a reluctant Craxi (then head of the formal government) was obliged to submit to the Agnellis-Mediobanca will. It was different on the SME case, where the Prodi’s gifts to his predatory friends [CDB-Mediobanca] were successfully hampered.

What anyway did not change the ineluctable course of the Italic marginalization. DC-PCI-PSI-“laics”-etc finally always agreed on the common devastation of Italy. Idem those who replaced them after the 1992-93 Great Purge. Both ‘strong’ and ‘weak’ politicians always found and are finding common grounds in full harmony with predatory oligarchies!

The same Berlusconi, object of a constant assault and obstructions from the Quirinale real government, always observed the law of silence about that, for trying minimizing his personal damages, accusing imaginary communist plots of assaulting and obstructing him and his governments. Actually, not differently from the left’s bloc, he always included, inside his majority, minority forces constantly blackmailing and blocking, also from the inside, its governments.

Concretely, what finally are political differences, differences about intentions? ...Now Italy will have the Grillo’s intentions too.    

Italy is without any hope to reverse its marginalization. Any illusion will only produce more depression in people minds and spirits. The alternative?! Simply, there is no alternative.  

Grillo, B., A Riveder le Stelle. Come seppellire i partiti e tirar fuori l’Italia dal pantano, Rizzoli, Milano, Italy, 2010.

Letter from Lhasa, number 292.
Sodomie in Corpo 11

Letter from Lhasa, number 292. Sodomie in Corpo 11
by Roberto Abraham Scaruffi

Busi, A., Sodomie in Corpo 11. Non viaggio, non sesso e scrittura, Mondadori, Milano, Italy, 1988.
(Busi 1988).
Aldo Busi

Quest’opera è un lungo testo, dell’ordine delle 130’000 parole, che si snoda a più livelli, da frocerie (quasi onnipresenti e che sono la fisicità dell’autore) e psicologismi, a discussioni letterarie e non solo, a vite quotidiane ed altro ancora.

È interessante, per esempio, lo smerdamento del Principe di Machiavelli. In realtà, di tutto l’autore tende a dare una sua interpretazione personale ed originale. Busi è come un essere contro e che quindi, un po’ su tutto, inserisce il cervello ed espone quel che ne esce.

(Busi 1988) è una lunga introiezione guardinga al mondo ed ai personaggi circostanti che si srotola in un monologo infinito ed intrisa della filosofia della vita dell’autore, o comunque del suo essere, del tutto particolare. 

Sono psicologicamente e sociologicamente interessanti (per quanto strabordanti in tutto il volume, ma del resto il titolo e tema...) le sue sodomie e connessi, per chi non conosca quel mondo per esperienza diretta o prossima. Anche le sue considerazioni sociologico-esistenziali sono sempre penetranti e pertinenti oltre che, del tutto giustamente, senza speranze ed inzuccheramenti. Le sue visioni politiche e politologiche sono di grande scientificità, checché lui ne creda, seppur buttate lì col linguaggio dell’ovvio e del vagamente provocatorio. Di conseguenza, pure la sua visione della storia, egualmente qua e là concessa nel testo, dove non esistono grandi sistemi ma il fluire, ricorrente, delle cose sempre uguali.  

Da pagina 213 e per un tratto piuttosto lungo, ora abbandonato ora ripreso, Busi dice come si nasca scrittore, secondo lui ovviamente. In effetti, è subliminalmente preciso perché non racconta come si possa divenire o trovarsi scrittori, eventualmente riconosciuti tali. Più semplicemente sbrodola come lui sia o si senta scrittore. Certo è scrittore riconosciuto (perché pubblicato, diffuso e venduto sui media, prima ancora che in bottega, da una macchina editoriale) sebbene i più lo conoscano come opinionista ed opinionato. Per cui, ti parla di sé. Generalizzi pure. Lo fa. Non necessita di autorizzazione. Lo ha già ‘autorizzato’ l’editore. Ma che il lettore non si beva che, se non si è ritrovato più o meno come Busi racconta di sé, non possa essere o divenire scrittore o supposto tale. Si diventa scrittori in mille modi e non è neppure vero che si debba essere eretici per essere tali. Le sue lunghe considerazioni su come si diventi tali sono la sua impersonalizzazione di come lui lo sia divenuto. Fingendo di generalizzare, parla di sé in modo impersonale.

Esiste lo scrittore? Busi presenta una distinzione tra scrittore e letterato:
“Un romanziere serio - poiché io non voglio prendere in considerazione il generico writer, écrivain o scrittore o Schriftsteller - non è mai in crisi come un generico uomo di lettere. Un romanziere propugna la vita, cioè un testo una struttura una figura retorica aggiornata e in sé senza tempo come è la vita, mentre un letterato si àdà da fare per un contesto e affianca uno specifico establishment perché ha un fine del tutto pragmatico: un certo potere sociale all’interno della solita classe sociale. Le due economie non potrebbero essere più diverse: lo scrittore attinge dal denaro collettivo, il letterato sempre dal denaro privato o, peggio ancora, pubblico.
“Il romanziere non ubbidisce a alcun potere prestabilito e è privo di auto-censura nel censurare indiscriminatamente ogni potere che venga a limitare i diritti elementari della vita, cioè alcune convenzioni sulla vivibilità sociale sotto ogni bandiera e sistema. Ogni romanziere che accetta, anche indirettamente, di farsi carico di un potere, scade nel letterato.
“Se c’è un dovere morale per eccellenza del romanziere serio è proprio quello di non essere in crisi, mentre l’inevitabile diritto di un generico uomo di lettere è di esserlo permanentemente nella misura in cui aspira alla serietà. Capisco che possa essere in crisi un critico, uno storico, un giornalista, un filosofo, un poeta laureato, uno scienziato, un segretario di Principe, anzi, la crisi gli dà credibilità (hanno tutti le facce lunghe, crescono attorno a esse e al luogo comune del dubbio come se esso fosse la maschera di una dignità profonda perché tormentosa), un romanziere non lo capisco affatto. Non ne ha bisogno: se lo è non può esserlo in crisi.
“Il romanziere ha una visione, l’uomo di lettere la foto segnaletica che gli viene incoccardata in fronte per poter definirsi tale. Il romanziere forgia il marchio che l’uomo di lettere subisce dai suoi padroni.
“L’uomo di lettere trova supporto in quella che Marx chiama sovrastruttura, che ai nostri giorni ormai s’è ridotta a uno spolverino di plastica trasparente da mettere in borsetta per acquazzoni improvvisi, mentre il romanziere lavora e trova supporto esclusivamente nel proprio lavoro e nei modelli che egli stesso forgia per sé e per chi vuol adottarli perché, come ben si sa, la struttura nei paesi capitalistici non esiste, non è mai esistita, non esiste più, non esisterà mai più, insomma, è disposta a tutto meno che a esistere, tanto è vero che nessuno sa cos’è né dov’è finita, e pertanto il romanziere è costretto a arrangiarsi all’interno della sua visione, che è la sola struttura ideologicamente pertinente al suo lavoro.”
(Busi 1988, p. 273-275).

Questa visione di Busi che usa un termine, romanziere, spesso usato per trasmettere il senso di una sotto-professione, o come di una sotto-cultura rispetto ad altre ritenute superiori (scrittore viene ritenuto onomatopeicamente più serio e professionale), elevandolo all’altezza professionale che lui rappresenta in questi tratti piuttosto elaborati, complessi e, forse, completi per quanto si possa poi elaborare su ogni cosa, e renderla ‘più completa’ o di completezza differente. La rappresentazione di Busi sul punto è ben più estesa della non breve citazione sopra riportata. Ci si deve solo districare nei suoi linguaggi che sono linguaggi del dubbio e di ricerca, o, a volte, metaforici ed allegorici.

Busi è critico di tutti e di tutti, e dunque pure analitico, all’estremo. ...Come dove distingue la sua effeminatezza ludica, da quella innata e natural-seduttiva ma che a lui non si confà e che lo urta. ...Secondo quel che lui dice, sulla base di suoi linguaggi che spesso si fan complicati, indicando elaborazioni di concetti. 

Il testo è ricco di descrizioni crude, che spesso urtano e che fanno parte del suo modo di vivere il sesso, spesso come violenza e sempre arraffato da chiunque venga, salvo quando nell’Africa nera si astiene.

Sul Kenya emerge evidente che, quando Busi si faccia Simenon, gli manchi la naturalità didascalica simenoniana che si impone come ricerca di spiegazioni plausibili, dunque come mistificazione, a tutto vantaggio, nel Busi, di un verismo e realismo delle rappresentazioni che sono quel che sono e che lui trasmette al lettore coi suoi disagi od agi, sempre con compartecipazione, com-passione con altre individualità.

Aldo Busi usa il suo essere come eversione-sovversione, o più banalmente è il solo modo in cui sa o sapeva vivere. Che non c’entra nulla colle sue preferenze ed avversioni sessuali. Qualunque preferenza ed avversione l’avrebbe usata in modo eversivo-sovversivo. Lui vive la scrittura come libertà. Ciò banalmente significa che vive ed avrebbe vissuto qualunque altra attività come libertà, ovviamente sconfitta dal sistema di potere cui non si asserve. Il suo anelito di libertà sarebbe ancora più sconfitto se vi si asservisse. “Uno scrittore è un esploratore, pertanto va in perlustrazione; se va in missione, è un impiegato.” (Busi 1988, p. 289).
Busi offre la sua esistenza ed il suo corpo per una continua, infinita, fuga. Si mescola all’altro, per poi fuggirne e fuggire da sé stesso. Fugge da un qualche sé stesso sa di non poter fronteggiare. 

La conclusione del libro è ovvia. Non v’è, ...come in ogni vero scrittore che ad un certo punto deve solo arrestarsi, rispetto ad un testo, senza chiudere nulla. ‘Il romanziere’ non ha scritto un romanzo. Ha scritto un’altra cosa sarebbe potuta continuare all‘infinito.

Busi, A., Sodomie in Corpo 11. Non viaggio, non sesso e scrittura, Mondadori, Milano, Italy, 1988.