Letter from Lhasa, number 296. Politici, according to Di Pietro
by Roberto Abraham Scaruffi
Di Pietro, A., with M. Zapparoli Funari, Politici. Da Craxi a Berlusconi,da Bossi a Fini, da Prodi a Grillo a Monti, quattordici ritratti insoliti, Ponte alle Grazie, 2012.
(Di Pietro 2012).
Antonio Di Pietro
Morena Zapparoli Funari
This is book-interview of Ms. Zapparoli Funari. She interviewed, at least officially, for what she declared in the foreword, Mr. Di Pietro.
There are politician ‘writing’ books through ghost-writers. Frequently they do not even read what the ghost-writer has written. Di Pietro followed the most transparent way. He told her what to write and she wrote it, in various ‘interviews’. Di Pietro later checked everything. Or Di Pietro wrote what he could and how he could and she reviewed everything. I am not sure that Di Pietro could really write in Italian. Anyway, differently from other politicians, he is not so naive to let a book with his name to be published without his final checking.
If in the book there is not perhaps the Di Pietro speaking and writing style, there are his contents. Being a book of Di Pietro testimonies, the interviewer could not interfere too much with his point of views. In fact, the final outcome is a series of banalities about various political leaders and always with an apparent fair play, apart from Craxi, Berlusconi and somebody else.
Left magistracy, Di Pietro tried to use Berlusconi for becoming head of the secret services (from puppet to puppet master...) or similar ambition, and it is known that the usually opportunist Berlusconi offered positions to Di Pietro already in his first government in 1994. Consequently, Berlusconi was opened to the requests of a Di Pietro hypocritically claiming that when he was a magistrate he just followed orders and that he had nothing against Berlusconi.
Somebody, informed of the contacts, rapidly unmasked the 1994 real role of Di Pietro against Berlusconi and so no further open convergence of the two politicians was possible, although there were occasional contacts and operational convergences also in recent times. Both Di Pietro and Berlusconi have a kind of pimp psychology making for them easy to find agreements, although they need now to publicly appear as mortal enemies.
Despite Di Pietro always claimed, in this book too, that the campaigning against him for pushing him to leave magistracy was orchestrated from Berlusconi and his milieu, it is not at all sure that this was what really happened. Di Pietro, a creation of pro-Andreotti Carabinieri Secret Police corps, was opposed also from the Quirinale which judged him too ambitious and not sufficiently controllable. The same President Scalfaro was put under fire from the Milano Prosecution Office.
In fact, the Quirinale-Mediobanca-organised persecution against Berlusconi could go on also with considerably less skilful cops than the magistrate-cop Di Pietro. He was not at all unsubstitutable. In the world of the military-CC Secret Police, which was the Di Pietro world, when a Di Pietro is put under fire, it not at all sure that the sources of the strikes be those appearing to be. On the contrary, it is more probable that those seeming to appear as the strikers have been manipulated from others remaining in the shadow.
The Quirinale and its Carabinieri Secret Police mobbed and stalked Di Pietro, created an irreducible hostility between him and Berlusconi and, after having sufficiently fried Di Pietro, judicially saved him. In 1997, thanks to D’Alema (clearly not against Quirinale and CC Secret Police will, more probably on their request), Di Pietro, a rightist, was elected senator in a super-‘red’ constituency.
That Di Pietro tell the worst of Craxi, Forlani etc. is normal. It is equally obvious that, as a soldier mobilized from the Andreotti Carabinieri Secret Police for the 1992-93 Great Purge (started on Andreotti orders, later taken over from the Quirinale-Mediobanca), and with Andreotti always referring not in positive terms to his colleague Di Pietro when Di Pietro was a senator, Di Pietro follow the usual demagogy against Andreotti. Being now Andreotti out of the power and politicking circles, Di Pietro can simulate independence and repulsion for who was, he knew or he did not that, his hidden puppet master who ordered to trigger the 1992-93 Great Purge.
The expressive style of Di Pietro, or how it is represented from the interviewer, deserves consideration. Apart from Berlusconi, he always mixes negative evaluations with some positive appreciation but constantly following current stereotypes, and in a kind of forced, false, tone. Since that, this book is of no value as historical testimony, apart from indication of the way Di Pietro approaches or represents or falsifies reality.
The same Di Pietro is a living stereotype. He simulate to be a great politician and a great Statesmen talking in the way a great politician and Statesman should talk when referring to other people, even when he is telling the worst of them. However, the reader perceives Di Pietro be false and also incapable to hide that. Whatever other politicians is more genuine and also more capable to mystify than Di Pietro, really rough in this ‘historical’/‘memory’ book. Since Di Pietro is a person checking everything, clearly the interviewer was impeded from giving to this book a more sounding and credible style, and the same staff of the publishing house (traditionally specialized in publishing books for boys and girls) could not do it.
Di Pietro is steadily from the side of the predatory oligarchies he protected (better: used him) when he was a substitute-prosecutor, so he can freely spit on politicians and Statesmen/women they despised and they do not need any more. Di Pietro is going on acting as a special agent of military Secret Police departments as he did as a substitute-prosecutor during the Great Purge 1992-93 and the 1994 assault against the Berlusconi government.
Suspiciously (the impulse to confess!), Di Pietro continuously underlines as the 1994 Berlusconi government was fired from the same North League, what is formally right. The judicial assault, as well as other assaults, created the propaganda context for justifying, in from of electors, the paralysis and, later, the rapid collapse of that government. It was opposed from predatory oligarchies, consequently from the Quirinale, because it did not permit them to freely predate public funds.
Yes, Berlusconi was a Craxi follower and imitator, with the additional advantage of having been a successful entrepreneur. In some way, Berlusconi was also an Andreotti epigone although without the Andreotti knowledge and understanding of the bureaucratic machine, and with no power on the Secret Services. Berlusconi had some Quirinale-NATO secret interdiction to deal with them even only formally. It is another Italic mystery nobody talks about but it was what actually happened from the first to the last Berlusconi government. In practice, Berlusconi was a fake head of the formal government, and that since some superior decision.
Craxi was mortally opposed for the same reason, because predatory oligarchies did not perceive him as their puppet. Check who blocked the SME fraud (when Prodi tried to make a gift of the SME to CDB-Mediobanca) and who tried to allow it, and you will understand nearly everything about Italic politics. Overall check the miserable judicial end of all those opposed the SME fraud [ http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romano_Prodi#Presidenza_dell.27IRI_e_vendita_della_SME , http://www.ciaobalcani.com/forum/viewtopic.php?pid=3115 ]. ‘Clean Hands’ was a military Secret Police operation, at predatory oligarchy service, for revenging against whoever had contrasted its predations and could contrast the new great predation of privatizations, a big fraud at advantage of such predatory oligarchies, the Cuccia’s Mediobanca predatory capitalism. It started on Andreotti order, for his presidential games, but it became such just Mediobanca took over the Quirinale by the Capaci massacre.
Was it casual that, for instance, those who contrasted and hampered the SME fraud were nearly all judicially ruined from the Milan Prosecution Office, while the Prodis promoted? Impossible! Simply, not buyable Statesmen/women were then all judicially liquidated while corrupted ones, so available to allow the privatisations’ predation, were carefully favoured from the predatory oligarchies and their judicial apparatuses under Quirinale control. About bureaucracies, always follow the formal command chain! Top level bureaucracies, without any superior formal ‘owner’, are always controlled from real powers.
Since the Spadolini interregnum (28 aprile 1992 .. 28 maggio 1992), the Quirinale has been controlled from the bureaucratic and predatory oligarchies. Enrico Cuccia’s Mediobanca was more powerful than whatever formal institution. Not casually, although it controlled all private or para-private capitalism, it was not touched from the judicial Great Purge. Illegal financing?! All parties and trade unions lived and are continuing to live by illegal financing. Bureaucracies are not only inefficient but structurally corrupted. Those saved did not enjoy less illegal financing of those were purged/liquidated. A Great Purge, as whatever Secret Police judicial operation, follows the orders of the institution wanting it. Crimes are selectively invented or used. People must be ruined are ruined also without the need of any crime. Many people were arrested, defamed by media, politically liquidated and released even without any formal incrimination and prosecution. The 1992-93 Great Purge, as previous and subsequent purges and judicial strikes, was not different from the Stalinist Moscow Trials and the FBI McCarthyism. Nothing new under the skies! More silently, abusive Secret Police judicial operations are in the daily life of whatever western country.
In (Di Pietro 2012), there is also the usual stuff on some organised criminality origins of the capitals having permitted Berlusconi to become one of the main Italic entrepreneurs, outside the parasitic and predatory para-State oligarchic ‘capitalism’. In the USA-UK, it is not a crime the specific origin of capitals. If one checks the origins even of many US Presidents... In Italy, it becomes a crime only when an entrepreneur is an outsider, as Berlusconi was and is.
Craxi was reference and protector of many entrepreneurs outside State capitalism and private predatory oligarchies. It cost less some financing to the PSI than to the DC and to the PCI. DC and PCI were real mafias with big and costly party organizations, while the PSI tried to be an Anglo-Saxon-style party providing cover to emerging entrepreneurs would have been heavily extorted and sometimes ruined from the DC and the PCI party machines.
Clearly, when there was the Great Purge, with connected judicial terrorism, these same entrepreneurs were obliged to denounce the Craxi [and others] ‘extortions’ and to remain silent on the DC-left and PCI ones. In this way ‘judicial evidence’, which some idiotic Anglophone and other scholars and agitprops consider as historical evidence, was and is built.
If organized criminality invests in the stock exchange, it is not considered a crime. If Fiat/Agnellis and others paid it bribes, or are extorted from it, or are in business with it, it is not considered a crime. Idem, in the case of CDB or other predatory oligarchs. Nobody opens investigations on predatory oligarchies businesses and clearly, when they have cooperation with organized criminality interests, they use legal screens masking that. Anyway, no Prosecution Office tracks predatory capitalism businesses or, if they are occasionally tracked, no prosecution is opened against them.
The pseudo-fight against organized criminality, which is tightly intertwined with Secret Police bureaux and predatory capitalism, is just a theatrical show where losing families are occasionally stricken and expropriates at advantage of winning ones. Everywhere in the world, organised criminality is tightly intertwined with power but, as whatever parallel militias, it must be kept under control by periodical replacements of its bosses and soldiers. What is also a way, for corrupted Secret Police officers, for extorting funds to the same organized criminality, not only to normal business as they currently do everywhere in the world.
While predatory capitalism is usually protected from the judiciary, on the contrary hundreds of detectives were and are mobilized against Berlusconi (and people near him), and also with large amounts of money for paying false witnesses, with the precise order to find or invent crimes for ruining him. What it is astonishing is that so few evidence against Berlusconi was actually found.
So, in the Berlusconi case (only for him and against some other target) it becomes a crime if he had some initial support from capitals coming from Sicilian organized criminality. ...But only because the Agnelli, CDB and others (specialist in predating and ruining companies, and even extorting large amounts of public funds when doing that) wanted and want to expropriate the same Berlusconi companies at their own profit.
(Di Pietro 2012) proposes the usual demagogy about worldwide total transparency of financial and banking transactions. States are criminal entities and organized criminalities are their parallel militias. And the same legal capitalism lives and prospers by illegal practices. What could be the solution? There is no solution until States/governments are promoters and coverers of all kind of criminal businesses. They advocate transparency for private entrepreneurs while the State Secret (hiding and protecting State/government crimes) is permanently extended. With State/governments having too much to hide, no real perfect transparency will be ever possible. Of course, the cops’ party wants ‘transparency’ ...for private small entrepreneurs.
Di Pietro denies that the 1992-93 Great Purge was judiciary terrorism. For him, everything was normal procedure. ...It is true that the Italic ‘normal procedures’ were and are different from other ones in other places... A bit in a confused state of mind, now Di Pietro claims that, thanks to I.T. and organization, he rapidly found evidence and that suspects run to his office for confessing, now he writes that he needed to isolate defendants for avoiding agreements between them and that they made evidence to disappear.
Actually special departments for the Great Purge were created by the Milan and other Prosecution Offices, what is illegal according to the Italian Constitution and ‘normal’ judicial procedures, and a large mass of detectives, with de facto special powers and procedures, was mobilised for this special job. Judiciary terrorism needs to expand State terrorism apparatuses, what was realized for this as well as for other purges and persecutions.
Di Pietro falsifies everything recurring to the rhetorical technique of presenting everything as obvious. However he has not the rhetorical ability and the cultivation of an Andreotti or other politicians and writers. Of course, he may not tell that the 1992-93 Great Purge was a classical Secret Police covert operation required from the Quirinale (the Presidency of the Republic) under Mediobanca influence, after that actually it was triggered from Andreotti and its Carabinieri Secret Police with annexed judiciary for his 1992 presidential games.
Andreotti, head of the government, and great puppet master of the State terrorism, then needed to break the pact DC-PSI, Forlani-Craxi, for Forlani President of the Republic and Craxi head of the government. Forlani did not become President of the Republic since the lack of the votes of the Andreotti faction and also since the trafficking of the Mediobanca area.
With the fall of the Berlin wall in November 1989, so with the disappearance of the Soviet Empire and the consequent ceasing of the 1943 Tehran agreements, the Cuccia’s Mediobanca, stronger since international support, had been charged to liquidate the post-war Italic political and institutional system creating a kind of Quirinale dictatorship with a government and a parliament subordinated to it. With the Capaci massacre (ordered from Spadolini, a Mediobanca puppet, temporarily replacing the resigned President Cossiga), Cuccia’s Mediobanca showed to be military stronger and sent the warning to Andreotti that either he renounced to become president of the Republic or he would have been assassinated.
Andreotti was asking the PSI support to Martelli, for becoming President, when he received the telephone call about the Capaci massacre. He understood he had lost the full control of the Secret Police apparatuses, and that the Capaci massacre was a direct and irresistible warning to him. He immediately told Martelli that he left the run for becoming President. ...A moment before he was asking him for the PSI votes...
Implementing his technique of presenting everything as obvious, Di Pietro tells that all the people he arrested were arrested with the authorization of the GIP (more precisely from the GIP on Prosecution Office request), so of a judge. What is another banality. Everybody knowing the 1992-93 Great Purge history, and more generally, how Italian magistracy works, knows that the GIP Office was, then, in Milan, a de facto appendage of the Prosecution Office. The signature of the GIP was a pure formality, for State terrorism operations. It was not an independent judge.
Di Pietro, with his colleagues, was then the public and formal face of the Carabinieri Secret Police. There were secret lists of people to be ruined and secret lists of people to be saved and promoted. For the same crimes, certain people were ruined and certain other people were never formally inquired. The philosophy of the 1992-93 Great Purge, rapidly become a Quirinale-led Permanent Purge, was to protect and promote corruptible politicians, and to liquidate incorruptible ones.
Corruptibility and incorruptibility were not abstractly defined. They were defined according to the interests of the Italic predatory capitalism under the supervision of the comprador Cuccia’s Mediobanca. The PCI, the DC left etc were their good puppets although sometimes there were and are occasional disagreements about specific questions.
So, judicial terrorism was and is a permanent strike against the predatory capitalism enemies, but also a warning for its puppets. Since judicial terrorism implies the mobilization of State apparatuses, it represents the convergence of the interests of the predatory capitalism and of the predatory bureaucracies, so of all the Italic predatory oligarchies.
The predatory privatizations realised during and after the 1992-93 Great Purge would have not been possible without the removal of the centre (Craxi’s PSI included) of the political arena. Instead, ‘communists’, ‘fascists’, DC left etc were corruptible and already corrupted from the Mediobanca area. The same absolute aversion against Berlusconi was determined from that. He was an outsider (relatively to predatory capitalism living by State/government funds), and reputed not on the payroll of the Mediobanca area and anyway not sufficiently conditionable from it.
The political organizer, the agent on the field, the ‘great corruptor’ for Craxi, of Cuccia’s Mediobanca was CDB. He recruited/corrupted politicians, ministers, high bureaucrats for the 1992-93 coup d’État and the following permanent purge.
The formal event of the Enrico Cuccia’s Mediobanca coup d’État, of the takeover liquidated the First Republic, was the 23 May 1992 Capaci Massacre. Cuccia’s Mediobanca had got the resignation of President Cossiga, who was temporarily replaced by a Mediobanca pawn, Giovanni Spadolini. From the Quirinale he could order the 23 May 1992 Capaci Massacre, which liquidated the Andreotti run to the Presidency of the Republic. The result was a weak and manoeuvrable chap as Oscar Luigi Scalfaro as new President. The following Presidents were equally chaps expressions of the same bureaucratic and oligarchic predatory comprador bloc then headed from the Cuccia’s Mediobanca.
The 23 May 1992 Capaci Massacre, which created the Quirinale dictatorship, was an under-developmental comprador coup d’État wanted from the Empire. The sinking of Italy was already going on since various decades. The Quirinale dictatorship accelerated it. Now, Italy is irreversibly marginalized, with the Monti government (outcome of a Quirinale coup d’État against the fourth Berlusconi government) charged to cut real revenues at level of a marginalized area of the German Empire, the euro zone, what he is rapidly realizing.
Naturally, Di Pietro passes under silence that evidence was also invented, as usual in Purges, using for instance the rule he/she couldn’t not to know, while for those needed to be saved the opposite rule was implemented, he/she must not have known. People had previously opposed attempted predations, as the SME one, were liquidated also without any formal accusation. They were arrested and jailed, defamed by media, put under long pseudo-inquiries. Destroyed their political career, they were not even put in trial, since in some cases there were no accusations, only the secret order to liquidate certain politicians. When politicians were on the list of the people to be saved, evidence against them was not used. If something wanted to report crimes committed also from people or organizations (for example the Trade Unions which are very corrupted entities) to be saved, the prosecutor simply answered that he/she was not interested, despite the compulsory criminal action of the Italian legal frame. Clearly, those who were predestined to be destroyed, finally admitted the illegal financing without any problem. The PCI or ex-PCI, with party apparatuses well more costly than whatever other party, so with even more illegal financing than whatever other party, knew it was destined to be saved. Nobody confessed anything. Or, eventually, some marginal chap confessed that certain funds were for personal purposes or for unspecified entities so preserving the mafia-style law of silence relatively to the party. Predatory capitalism always heavily financed the PCI too. The PCI collected covert, so illegal, intermediation percentages on whatever business with the Soviet Empire area, and on businesses with ‘red’ administrations or depending on PCI personnel. When evidence about that appeared, during investigations, it was put on shelves and not used. There were those who/which ought to be targeted and those not to be targeted. Purges, State terrorism, work in this way...
The Di Pietro anecdotes on certain episodes are just self-justifications. Prosecution Offices are the front line of Carabinieri Secret Police corps having dirty job to do on institutional orders. The real government leads judiciary. There is no real rule of law. The entire history of Italy is characterised by such utilisation of the judiciary. The 1992-93 Great Purge was not the first episode of political and economic subversion. The same Milan Prosecution Offices, idem the Palermo and other ones, had already been used for dirty operations of Italian and foreign Secret Police corps. There were no white knights suddenly appeared.
Di Pietro claims that he could not charge Occhetto and D’Alema, Andreotti too, although he tried. The Secret Police apparatuses around him, full of Andreotti clients, simply knew that the Milano operation began on Andreotti order. Andreotti was tried, in other places, for other non-provable crimes, not for illegal financing. Andreotti has the direct responsibility of assassinations, massacres, abuses etc he continuously ordered to military Secret Police corps. He acted as a Statesman without any moral constraint and so freely using military Secret Police officers for personal goals.
The Mediobanca bloc built against Andreotti some ridiculous prosecution and trial as he had some personal connection with Mafias. Mafias are Carabineri Secret Police parallel militias (as everywhere in the world, mutatis mutandis). Andreotti had no need and no inclination to directly talk with a mafioso or with a Di Pietro. When Andreotti ordered assassinations, massacres and purges, he simply activated a military Secret Police officer who activated or deactivated those who were necessary to activate or deactivate for implementing the received order. Without written orders, and with the State Secret on such crimes, there was and there is no evidence usable in court. The ‘laic’ Andreotti, organically at Empire service, was Enrico Cuccia with his Mediobanca.
A different personage was Cossiga. If Andreotti was coldly maniacal, Cossiga had an irrepressible need to confess and to show he was insane. Every day, President Cossiga directly called the substitute-Prosecutor Di Pietro for getting information how the assault against Craxi was going on, so de facto showing his support. In Italy, the President of the Republic is also the President, with dictatorial powers, of the CSM (Magistracy High Council). Later, when Craxi was living in Tunisia, for avoiding to be jailed, Cossiga paid visits to Craxi simulating to be his friend. President Cossiga ‘fucked’ Craxi, ...and Andreotti too, because, without his cooperation, the Great Purge triggered from Andreotti could not start and, equally, without his cooperation (because he resigned as President of the Republic letting his position to a Mediobanca pawn as Spadolini precisely during the parliamentary sessions had to elect the new President), Mediobanca could not realize the Capaci massacre for hampering Andreotti from becoming President of the Republic.
For (Di Pietro 2012), Craxi gave the private information sector to Berlusconi illegitimately and in exchange of bribes. Again for (Di Pietro 2012), Craxi was responsible for the very high public debt.
What happened was actually easier. Berlusconi made profitable local private TVs other entrepreneurs couldn’t. Since there was the national monopoly of the State radio-TV, the RAI, later, Berlusconi, by a trick, found the way to make his different TVs to act as a single national one, also broadcasting TV news. So there were not only the RAI national news broadcasts, but also the Fininvest group ones. In this way, he broke out the RAI monopoly. He went on going that thanks to the Craxi political and institutional help, while part of the DC and the PCI were for preserving the RAI monopoly. The PCI was bought giving it RAI-3. So its opposition was only a formal one.
In practice, a modernization was imposed thanks to Craxi and Berlusconi. Apart from that, it is true that from a monopoly, one passed to a duopoly. Nobody had the will and the courage to liquidate the State radio-TV and to create a real competitive private sector, with the State really profiting from the lease of the TV frequencies and guaranteeing real competition, although some other new commercial TV chains, operating on national scale, appeared.
The entire anti-modernizing bloc hysterically accused, and his continuing to accuse, Berlusconi of having modernized the Italian culture and sub-culture with despicable (in the opinion of the anti-modernizing bloc) American movies and Anglophone-style programs. At the same time, the Berlusconi TVs, contrarily to the RAI, gave voice to minority groups, emerging movements, heretical personages. Commercial TVs prosper on publicity. Consequently they need to attract audience. On the contrary the State TV, RAI, attracted publicity thanks to its monopoly position and had revenues from the compulsory TV license fees.
From a managerial point of view, the Berlusconi TVs were well managed and with growing profits, while the State TVs were poorly managed and in heavy deficit despite the TV license fees. Mediaset provided a better service with considerably less employees than the RAI. Yet in 2011, RAI spent 35.6% of its revenues for its employees, while Mediaset only the 13.4%. RAI is organized as a heavy, inefficient and corrupted bureaucracy and with various wide spreading frauds increasing its costs. Mediaset is organised as should an efficient company. ...What the anti-modernising bloc cannot forgive to Mediaset.
It was normal that, immediately after the 1994 Quirinale-Mediobanca coup d’État collapsed the Berlusconi government, the Italic predatory oligarchies tried to expropriate Mediaset but people voted, in occasion of the 1995 referenda, against them. At political-institutional level, the centre of the ex-PCI supported Berlusconi against the predatory oligarchies wanted only to expropriate him and to transform Fininvest-Mediaset in other State-funded ‘private’ TVs and eventually finally collapse them as they did with many companies they expropriate or bought at super-sale prices or they simply took over and mismanaged. From Olivetti to Telecom there is a long list of possible examples. The same Fiat always prospered thanks to generous State funds, while the Agnelli family de facto expropriated at its advantage, with Cuccia’s Mediobanca help, the key sectors of the Italic economy. The Agnellis had direct contacts and agreements with Anglo-American Secret Police departments bypassing the same Empire proconsul Cuccia.
For Di Pietro, without Craxi, Berlusconi could have not broken the information monopoly, what for Di Pietro and all the Italic oligarchies is an unpardonable sin. Others, oligarchs included, tried, and they could not or their TVs failed. Without Berlusconi, they could have dominated the TV sector with State funds, as they already [mis]managed their other companies ...by State funds, de facto stealing immense amounts of public funds, with political and trade unions complicity. They have sunk Italy in this way. The joint action of bureaucratic and private oligarchies predations created the permanent fiscal crisis of the Italic State.
For Di Pietro, in exchange of the false opposition to the Craxi protection of the Berlusconi TV interests, the PCI received the full control of RAI-3. It is true. What contradicts the Di Pietro theory of the immaculate Italy corrupted from Craxi and Berlusconi. The PCI was created from the British in 1944, from them largely funded also with funds and real estates previously of the fascist party, and it later grew and prospered also by such exchanges. It had a big apparatus of functionaries and economic interests, heavily financed by what was later called ‘corruption’. It was a mix of systemic, party and personal corruption. Everybody knew and knows that. Everybody enjoyed and enjoys that corrupted system, Di Pietro and his party too.
The Italic regime was founded on the axis DC-PCI, Vatican-AngloAmericans. The PSI was just a PCI appendage, later transformed in a DC one and finally illusorily attempting, with Craxi, to liquidate the PCI malediction and to replace this Anglo-American (under para-Soviet cover) comprador party by a modern social-democracy. Craxi was actually too weak against the PCI and ex-PCI. The consociative regime DC-PCI was never broken. ...The DC centre and the PSI were finally broken and liquidated while the ex-PCI was openly recruited and covered from the SIS-CIA, without any residual mask of Soviet influence. The backward ideology and policies of the PCI were never revised. Simply the ex-PCI switched from a formal submission to Soviet Union (it was decidedly more and organically subordinated to Italian Carabinieri) to direct agreements with the SIS and the CIA. Since the PCI, now PD (ex-PCI + catho-communist from the DC), was and is a clientelist machine, his followers do not worry about claimed ideologies or international alignments.
The DC and the PCI, with the complicity of ALL the other political parties, further corrupted and devastated the already inefficient Italic State and its finances. Craxi had the power of his less than 15% votes, dependent in part from the DC and in part from the PCI and without any real foreign support. A PSI breaking with the DC, and consequently with the public industry etc illegal financing and clientelism, would have rapidly disappeared or become again a PCI appendage. A PSI more radically against a backward and corrupted PCI would have been rejected from the same DC. The PSI was outside the 1943 Tehran agreements. It was not essential for the Imperial order for Italy, while the Vatican and the PCI were essential elements of it, at least until 1989. Also the other parties, the so-called ‘laics’ had no real role. The Empire already had its Cuccia’s Mediobanca. The tiny PRI was its not essential political representative inside formal governments.
Di Pietro, in part ignorant, in part genetically a trickster, cannot tell that, when he was leading the Great Purge from his judiciary’s position, public debt suddenly jumped from 100% GNP, to about 125% GNP. In practice, the coup d’État governments allocated even more funds than before to the predatory oligarchies. They claimed great saving measures, while they actually increased State and private predations. Such was the function of the Great Purge, to liquidate politicians not sufficiently buyable for letting the field free for the politicians on the Mediobanca bloc payroll. Berlusconi was not one of them, so the war against him was immediately restarted.
Relatively to Craxi, for Di Pietro it was not a right choice that he acted for saving Moro in 1978. An ignorant and mystificatory Di Pietro cannot know that Moro was assassinated on Andreotti orders. Craxi could not denounce that, since he had not sufficient ‘military’ power for opposing Andreotti. Eventually, one might accuse Craxi of having being too weak while trying saving the Moro life, while he was perhaps already informed that the whole business was only an Andreotti CC Secret Police Operation (for becoming him President of the Republic instead of a Moro already selected for that position from a secret agreement DC-PCI) and everybody finally knew where Moro was detained, firstly from the BR (Red Brigades), later (in a different place) from an Andreotti CC Roman organised criminality and finally given back to the BR for the final show.
Di Pietro shows his confused institutional ideas claiming that a Presidential Republic was wrong because wanted from Craxi and Berlusconi. Actually, an abusive President’s dictatorship exists with the 7 year president. A real US-style Presidential Republic would certainly be more democratic and less abusive that a President elected for seven years and permanently abusing governments and parliaments obeying to Mediobanca-PredatoryOligarchies needs. Not casually, Di Pietro joined the regime strong opposition to the Berlusconi modernizing Constitution would have created governments capable to really govern and made impossible the Quirinale permanent coup d’État action. That Constitution was finally sunk by the 2006 Constitutional referendum wanted from the predatory oligarchies which brainwashed voters by an obsessive propaganda in defence of the backward 1948 Constitution.
For Di Pietro, clientelism and public corruption start with the triplet Craxi-Andreotti-Forlani. Where did Di Pietro live? For Di Pietro, the Craxi sin was to have broken the DC-PCI consociativism, what actually did not really happen. Craxi only tried that. Di Pietro defends his participation to the 1992-93 Great Purge, with mystificatory and confused arguments. This is the sense of his improbable and inconsistent assertions.
Di Pietro and his interviewer are not very accurate. For instance, on 5 March 1993, no Craxi government existed. There was a Quirinale-Amato government. And the pact of the tart (patto della crostata) is of 1997, not 1994.
It is decidedly ridiculous the Di Pietro claim that Prodi was IRI president without even imagining that IRI was used for illegal financing of political parties. Prodi was the only Italian citizen not to know that! It is equally ridiculous that Prodi called Di Pietro as Public Work Minister since the eminence of Di Pietro. Prodi was perhaps only paying an ex-post bribe for not having been ruined from Di Pietro, even if, being Prodi on the Secret Police lists of the people to be protected, he had not the need to pay such a bribe. Since the Quirinale heavily determined government creations and variously led the same governments, very likely it was the same Quirinale, by its Carabinieri Secret Police, which firstly suggested Di Pietro as Minister and a bit later let some of the Di Pietro (always judicially innocent, of course!) corruptions to emerge, what led to the Di Pietro resignation (20/11/1996) from the 1996 Prodi government.
In fact, later, Prodi did not worry too much about inquiries against him, while he was extremely agitated when the substitute-prosecutor Di Pietro convoked and maltreated him. His power network provided to free him from whatever suspect. Of course, his giving a lot of public money to the predatory oligarchies was not without material advantages for him. He is anyway a protected species. Nobody inquires if Prodi spends one million euro for buying a flat.
Hilariously, a formal political commissar of a Great Purge, as Di Pietro was, accuses Berlusconi to have entered politics for saving himself from his judicial problems ...since the Great Purge! In a cold civil war, there is a war logic. Clearly the butchers, or ex-butchers, pretend that the objects of their strikes simulate that everything be normal and accept ‘normal’ trials, while there is nothing normal in a white civil war and in a situation of permanent coup d’État.
It would be useful underline that the permanent coup d’État against politics, formal governments and parliaments struck not only the Berlusconi governments but also the Prodi and other ones. Just Prodi was a bit intolerant of the continuous Quirinale interferences, or was not 100% servile to the wishes of some predatory oligarchs (for instance when Gianni Agnelli ordered him to create a Latin bloc for avoiding the immediate adhesion to the euro zone, what Prodi tried to do but he was unsuccessful) his governments were variously sunk. The so-called centre-left was not less immune from the Quirinale permanent coups d’État logic and interferences than the so-called centre-right. The only difference was the relative immunity, from direct and personal judicial strikes and liquidations, of whoever belonged to the Quirinale Party (letfs, Casini, Fini etc), more popular in the so-called centre-left area but not without organic followers in the so-called centre-right one.
This book is an erratic source of disinformation (although incomplete, imprecise and not rigorously presented) already disposable on the mediatic circuits. It is more interesting for inferring the Di Pietro psychology than for his worthless testimonies it provides.
Di Pietro, A., and M. Zapparoli Funari, Politici. Da Craxi a Berlusconi,da Bossi a Fini, da Prodi a Grillo a Monti, quattordici ritratti insoliti, Ponte alle Grazie, 2012.